RECONSTRUCTION
The Reconstruction bill was fully discussed in Congress, and probably no
bill was ever more thoroughly understood by the country. Nothing is more absurd than to
assume to speak for the people; but there can be little doubt in the mind of any one who
watches closely, that the earnest and profound conviction which finally dominates public
opinion is, upon the whole, satisfied with the bill as it finally passed.Every student of politics and public affairs
will have his theory of reconstruction. For ourselves, we still think that universal
suffrage should be secured by the Constitution of the United States; and there are points
in the Louisiana bill which in our judgment are unwisely omitted in the Reconstruction
bill as adopted. But in such a crisis, and upon such measures, entire satisfaction with
every detail is not to be expected. The bill is, upon the whole, so radical and excellent
that the country will approve it as heartily as it approved the Civil Rights bill. It was
passed, however, at so late a moment of the session that filibustering over the vote upon
the veto may prevent its becoming a law. In that case, we hope that the Fortieth Congress
will immediately repeat the action of this, that the bill may be a law before the month
ends.
It will then be the duty of the President
to execute it as effectively as if he had approved it. It may be presumed, of course, that
he will do what he technically can to defeat its purpose. Those only will think
differently of his probable action who believe that he has executed the Civil Rights bill
cordially and efficiently. The Bill requires the President to appoint certain military
Governors from a grade no lower than a Brigadier-General. If he appoints a man like
General Fullerton or General Stedman we may know what to expect; and if his action reveals
a purpose virtually to defeat the intention of the people in Congress there would
undoubtedly be a very general desire of his impeachment.
Our objection to the impeachment as
hitherto proposed has been founded upon the shadowy nature of the charges which would
render the issue of a trial very uncertain. To impeach and acquit the President would be
surely to convict his accusers of a most dangerous partisanship. But to impeach the
President upon the ground evident to the whole country that he was deliberately thwarting
the loyal national will in reorganizing the Union would be very different. There would be
very grave and natural doubt whether a merely technical plea should avail. If, however,
the Governorships should be given to Thomas, Sheridan, and others, whom the whole people
trust, the President would show a sincere desire of fair play which would be of the best
promise.
So far as the civil reorganization of the
rebel States is concerned the Senate bill of reconstruction is merely tentative. It leaves
the initiation of civil order unsettled, and in this it seems to us inferior to the
Louisiana bill. The question is inevitably suggested by the present bill, who shall begin
the effort for a civil government? May any person who is not a felon nor excluded by the
amendment call a convention to frame a constitution? And if "the people of any one of
the said rebel States" may proceed to political action, how many of them may do so?
The Louisiana bill provided for a registry; and although the military Governor under the
new bill may be hereafter authorized to take the initiative, the Louisiana bill appointed
elections and made it the duty of the Secretary of War to register the voters.
The Senate bill, however, is undoubtedly
in harmony with the general wish to leave as much local action as may be wisely left to
the rebel States. If it is found that no action is taken, and that inaction is
undesirable, a further step will be taken by Congress. The whole movement of
Reconstruction necessarily proceeds slowly but surely. The people have clearly no
intention of going backward. They began very moderately with the Constitutional Amendment.
Its rejection has by no means dismayed them. They do not recede but advance. The new bill
secures directly what the Amendment was intended to reach indirectly, general suffrage and
personal protection. If this fails to start the wheels of State reorganization the people
in Congress will advance to the next step for which the Louisiana bill provides, the
initiative of State government by national authority although not wholly under the terms
of that bill. Under the present bill the attitude of those who are accustomed to control
public opinion and action in the rebel States will probably be sullen and defiant. They
will encourage passivity. It will then be for Congress to decide whether a government
established by the few who may vote shall be regarded as the government of the State, or
whether the State shall be held directly by the military hand until a due proportion of
the people shall consent to vote.
Of course this is not a pleasant
alternative. But the situation offers only a choice of evils. We must either tolerate the
present condition of the South, or we must secure the protection and justice which are now
denied. The first alternative is simply impossible. Honor and humanity forbid. We must
then accept the other. All but a few persons in the States concerned may for various
reasons refuse to vote. We can not make them vote, and we certainly shall not be coerced
or cajoled by their not voting into the stupidity of surrendering to their will, time is
the great physician. We can wait if the Southern citizens can. But we beg them not to
cherish the fatal delusion that they can tire us out. The loyal people know distinctly
what they fought for, and they will secure their victory if they have to wait for a
generation.
Articles Related to Military Reconstruction:
News Items
January 19, 1867, page 35
Impeachment
January 26, 1867, page 50
Congress and
Impeachment
February 16, 1867, page 98
The Probability of
Impeachment
February 23, 1867, page 114
The Louisiana Bill
March 2, 1867, page 130
Reconstruction
March 9, 1867, page 146
The Thirty-Ninth
Congress
March 9, 1867, page 146
The Veto of the Reconstruction Bill
March 16, 1867, page 162
The Fortieth Congress
March 30, 1867, page 195
The Fortieth Congress
April 6, 1867, page 211
Sprats and Vetoes
April 6, 1867, page 210
Adjournment of Congress
April 13, 1867, page 226
Prometheus Bound
March 2, 1867, page 137
The Result
March 30, 1867, page 194
The Southern Commanders
April 6, 1867, page 218
The Debate upon Impeachment
March 23, 1867, page 178
We Accept the Situation (cartoon)
April 13, 1867, page 240
The Big Thing (cartoon)
April 20, 1867, page 256
The End of Impeachment
June 22, 1867, page 386
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