THE POLITICAL SITUATION
The removal of General
Sheridan has deeply moved the country. The peculiarly brilliant service of General
Sheridan in the war; his equally faithful service as military Governor of Louisiana and
Texas; his frank and fearless spirit in every position, and a certain generosity and
gallantry of nature, have endeared him to the popular heart. The name of no hero of the
war, not excepting that of Grant himself, so inflames universal enthusiasm as that of
Sheridan. Painting and poetry have combined to celebrate his ride up the Shenandoah - a
ride which turned the tide of a most important battle, at a most critical moment of the
war. Young, modest, ardent; a trained soldier, and irresistible leader, the idol of
his men, the cherished friend of his Commander, Sheridan came from the war beloved by the
whole people.When
he was appointed to the command of the district of which New Orleans is the headquarters
it was not known what his executive power in that kind might be, and it was supposed that,
like most soldiers, he had, in the common phrase, no politics. But like every man who went
into the rebel section without politics he very soon acquired them. During the summer of
1866, when by the complicity of inaction the President of the United States sanctioned the
effort of the rebels to massacre Union men, General Sheridan was the man who told the
whole truth to the country, and Andrew Johnson has never forgiven him. From that time
General Sheridan has wholly approved the Radical policy, and the President has inflexibly
resolved upon his removal.
But General Grant was known to sympathize
with General Sheridan, and their published correspondence shows how faithfully the General
supported his subordinate. It is therefore plain that General Grant was as disagreeable to
the President as General Sheridan. The President knew that there was no man more steadily
hostile to his policy; no man more suspicious of his purposes, no man more desirous that
he should be closely watched and checked by Congress than General Grant. Moreover, it was
becoming very evident that this man, so hostile to the Presidential policy, and of so vast
a popularity, was very likely to be the next President, upon the nomination of the party
which elected Mr. Johnson, and which he had betrayed. The President thus found himself
face to face with Congress, with the vast loyal political organization in every part of
the country, and with the great soldiers of the war, excepting General Sherman. In this
position he has also and naturally found himself practically paralyzed. He has been
conscious of the disastrous failure of his administration, and that he was drifting amidst
universal distrust into the great and final contempt of history. For he has no friends.
The Democrats use him only to perplex their political foes. The late rebels, like Forsyth
of Mobile, and others, reproach him with indecision and timidity. The New York Herald,
which to-day tries to prop the Presidential purpose to withstand the popular will,
yesterday cried lustily for his impeachment for resisting it. Those who appear to support
him are more to be feared by him than those who unswervingly and frankly denounce and
resist him.
Under these circumstances the President
has naturally sought to take some course by which with one blow he could reach any
enemies. And he has found it in the suspension of Mr. Stanton, and the direction of
General Grant to assume ad interim the duties of the Secretary of War, and to
transmit the order of removal to General Sheridan. This at once excites a tendency toward
distrust of General Grant upon the part of the Republican party; it tends to poison the
personal relations of Grant and Sheridan; it raises Sheridan as a candidate for the
Presidency; and it kindles the hope of that ludicrous political Micawber, the Democratic
party, that something may "turn up." The Presidents double object is to
ruin Grant politically and to defy the Republican Party.
But we suppose that nobody in the
country, Democrat or Republican, doubts that General Grant is as hostile as ever to the
policy of the President, and that he warmly opposed the removal of General Sheridan. The
only question is why he went into the Cabinet, and why he is willing to appear to
acquiesce in the policy of the President. But it is not necessary to look far for the
reason. General Grant may have considered himself ordered by the Commander-in-Chief, or he
may have wished to prevent the entrance of some one into the Cabinet less hostile than he
to the Presidents system. It is folly to say that every member of the Cabinet must
be presumed to sympathize with the President. Was Mr. Stanton presumed to be in such
sympathy?
It is , therefore, it seems to us, unfair
in the Tribune to insinuate that General Grant has any sympathy whatever with the
President. It does not say so, indeed, openly; but such is the impression it produces. As
we have before suggested, this is not the way to defeat General Grant as a Presidential
candidate. That must be done, if at all, by showing that the Republican party does not
know what he thinks or where he stands. It is evident that in the present situation of the
country, which no one probably understands better than General Grant, no man can expect to
receive the nomination of the dominant party who is not willing to say that he wholly and
heartily agrees with its policy, and feels the necessity of its ascendancy. General Grant
has not yet publicly expressed himself upon this point, although all his actions show his
general sympathy with that party. It is, therefore, premature both to insist that he must
be the candidate and that under no circumstances can he or ought he to be the candidate.
If General Grant would like to have the
nomination of both parties, or if he would prefer to be nominated without expressing
himself more plainly, then we should say that he certainly could not be and should not be
the Republican candidate; and we greatly misconceive General Grant himself if he expects
the Republican nomination upon such terms. He knows, of course, that the party which is as
sure as any thing political can be to select its candidate will not nominate in the dark
or for luck. He also knows, probably, that under the circumstances he could not be
nominated by the Democrats. Would he then be likely to succeed upon a "peoples
nomination?" We think certainly not, because we do not believe that he would as a
third candidate seriously reduce the Republican vote. Meanwhile we repeat that the
important consideration in the Presidential campaign is the continued dominance of the
Republican party.
Articles Related to Overt
Obstruction of Congress:
Congress
February 2, 1867, page 67
February 16, 1867, page 99
March 16, 1867, page 163
How Long?
June 29, 1867, page 402
Reconstruction and Obstruction
July 6, 1867, page 418
The Summer Session
July 6, 1867, page 418
The Fortieth Congress
July 17, 1867, page 467
Thanks to the District Commanders
July 27, 1867, page 467
Impeachment Postponed
July 27, 1867, page 467
A Desperate Man
August 13, 1867, page 546
The Secretary of War
August 24, 1867, page 530
Samson Agonistes at Washington (cartoon)
August 24, 1867, page 544
The Stanton Imbroglio (illustrated satire)
August 24, 1867, page 542
Secretary Grant
August 31, 1867, page 546
Southern Reconstruction
August 31, 1867, page 547
The Political Situation
September 7, 1867, page 562
General Thomas
September 7, 1867, page 563
Southern Reconstruction
September 7, 1867, page 563
The General and the President
September 14, 1867, page 578
General Sickles Also
September 14, 1867, page 579
Southern Reconstruction
September 21, 1867, page 595
The Presidents Intentions
September 28, 1867, page 610
Impeachment
October 5, 1867, page 626
The Main Question
October 5, 1867, pages 626-627
Suspension during Impeachment
October 19, 1867, page 658
"Disregarding" The Law
November 2, 1867, page 691
Impeachment
December 14, 1867, page 786
General Grants Testimony
December 14, 1867, page 786
The Presidents Message
December 14, 1867, page 787
General Grants Letter
January 1, 1868, page 2
Secretary Stantons Restoration
January 25, 1868, page 51
Reconstruction Measures
January 25, 1868, page 51
The President, Mr. Stanton and General Grant
February 1, 1868, page 66
Romeo (Seward) to Mercutio (Johnson) (cartoon)
February 1, 1868, page 76
The War Office
February 1, 1868, page 77
Secretarys Room in the War Department (illus)
February 1, 1868, page 77
The New Reconstruction Bill
February 8, 1868, page 83
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