THE GENERAL AND THE PRESIDENT
The Sphinx of our last
weeks picture has spoken, and to some purpose. General Grants letter upon the
removal of Sheridan is one of the chief of recent political events. It caused the New York
Tribune to rejoice that his hostility to the President can no longer be doubted;
while the New York Herald, which has been idolizing Grant for a year, suddenly
advises him to surrender the War Department to "other and abler brains," and
declares that he has thrown himself into Radical hands. The whole country has now read and
pondered General Grants letter. It has seen how heartily he sympathizes with the
national purpose, how simply and strongly he urges the undoubted wish of the people as the
rule of action when expediency alone is to be considered. In a few significant words he
reminds the President that the removal of Sheridan can gratify only those at the South who
are hostile to the Government; and the reply of the President shows how he was stung by
the unquestionable truth. The letter of Grant is short, but it is decisive. We shall no
longer hear that he is an equally available candidate for either party. We shall no longer
read praises of his Conservative fidelity in the Democratic newspapers. We shall no longer
hear them chuckle over the cunning of the President in dividing the Republican party by
entangling General Grant. Two weeks ago we said that Grant would never be a tool in Andrew
Johnsons hands, and a week had not passed before the words were justified.So rapid is the progress of
events that, before these words are read, General Grant may have ceased to be Secretary of
War ad interim. Against the instructions which he gave to General Thomas to leave
all the laws in force which he should find in the Louisiana District, the President orders
General Hancock to change them as he chooses; and reverses General Grants order to
Sheridan to report at Washington by ordering him to proceed straight to Missouri. The
General issues the orders; but these reversals and the tone of the letter of the President
show that there is no kindly feeling between and the General. And how could there be? The
President knows perfectly well that Grant was most strenuous in his advice to Congress
that Johnson could not be trusted, and the General know equally well that the President
ordered him into his Cabinet to ruin him. From this state of things some kind of rupture
may very easily arise. By the publication of the correspondence the country has learned -
what few doubted - that the present Secretary of War is just as hostile to the
Presidential policy as the late Secretary. His presence in the Cabinet is,
therefore, as reassuring as that of Mr. Stanton. It is now, consequently, equally
obnoxious to the President. If General Grant remains in the Department he is endeared to
the people as their official representative and advocate. If the President quarrels with
him and removes him from his post, the popular enthusiasm for Grant will be simply
irresistible.
The result of the removal of Stanton has
not thus far been very consolatory to the President. If he thinks that he has forced Grant
to speak he can not but see that, at the same time, he has forced him into the arms of
those who can alone make him President, while by the method he has adopted the President
has but deepened the national disgust with his administration. We are not of those who
think that the General should not have entered the Cabinet. If it were right that Stanton
should be there it can not be wrong for Grant. Moreover, it was clearly not a matter of
discretion altogether in the case of the General. The President "directed" him,
and in his own judgment he was "assigned." To refuse was to disobey, and the
alternative was resignation.
Nor did he approve or support the policy
of the President by entering the Cabinet, as his letter shows. Nor did he go there as a
spy - which is a plain abuse of words. A spy is one who surreptitiously enters as
enemys camp. Grant was openly commanded by the enemy, to whom the Constitution gives
authority to command, and who counted upon his subordinates acquiescence to seal his
ruin. We do not disapprove Grants entering the Cabinet upon the same general grounds
that we did disapprove the resignation of Mr. Hamlin. We would not assume in the one case
that the various minor executive office of the country are merely places to be held upon
condition of servility to the Presidential will, and in the other we would throw the whole
responsibility upon the President. If Governor Andrew were called to Andrew Johnsons
Cabinet we can conceive of his going in order to protest against his course and baffle it
as far as might be. And if he did go, would any sensible American suppose that John A.
Andrew was false to his principles, or had ratted to the President?
We presume the event will
show that in assigning General Grant to the War Department the President has outwitted
himself. It were better for him that he had retained Stanton. On the other hand, it was
certainly very unfair to General Grant upon the part of many, and notable the Tribune,
to insinuate that in entering the Cabinet he showed that he had lost sympathy with the
loyal party, and to sneer at him as a statue sashed and girded. The confidence of the
national heart that insisted upon fighting the war to an unconditional national victory is
stronger in General Grant to-day than ever.
Articles Related to Overt
Obstruction of Congress:
Congress
February 2, 1867, page 67
February 16, 1867, page 99
March 16, 1867, page 163
How Long?
June 29, 1867, page 402
Reconstruction and Obstruction
July 6, 1867, page 418
The Summer Session
July 6, 1867, page 418
The Fortieth Congress
July 17, 1867, page 467
Thanks to the District Commanders
July 27, 1867, page 467
Impeachment Postponed
July 27, 1867, page 467
A Desperate Man
August 13, 1867, page 546
The Secretary of War
August 24, 1867, page 530
Samson Agonistes at Washington (cartoon)
August 24, 1867, page 544
The Stanton Imbroglio (illustrated satire)
August 24, 1867, page 542
Secretary Grant
August 31, 1867, page 546
Southern Reconstruction
August 31, 1867, page 547
The Political Situation
September 7, 1867, page 562
General Thomas
September 7, 1867, page 563
Southern Reconstruction
September 7, 1867, page 563
The General and the President
September 14, 1867, page 578
General Sickles Also
September 14, 1867, page 579
Southern Reconstruction
September 21, 1867, page 595
The Presidents Intentions
September 28, 1867, page 610
Impeachment
October 5, 1867, page 626
The Main Question
October 5, 1867, pages 626-627
Suspension during Impeachment
October 19, 1867, page 658
"Disregarding" The Law
November 2, 1867, page 691
Impeachment
December 14, 1867, page 786
General Grants Testimony
December 14, 1867, page 786
The Presidents Message
December 14, 1867, page 787
General Grants Letter
January 1, 1868, page 2
Secretary Stantons Restoration
January 25, 1868, page 51
Reconstruction Measures
January 25, 1868, page 51
The President, Mr. Stanton and General Grant
February 1, 1868, page 66
Romeo (Seward) to Mercutio (Johnson) (cartoon)
February 1, 1868, page 76
The War Office
February 1, 1868, page 77
Secretarys Room in the War Department (illus)
February 1, 1868, page 77
The New Reconstruction Bill
February 8, 1868, page 83
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